DIES IST KEIN ARTIKEL!
Erklärung
Da Deepfighter seine Hausaufgaben nicht anders ins Schulnetzwerk bekommt, darf er sie hier mal zwischenspeichern. Bitte die Texte auch nicht weiter beachten, dies sind natuerlich nur erste Beta Versionen, meiner vollendeten Version, thx ^^
Geschichte
Deep's Themenerklärung I
Ja Wie ihr seht geht es um die Französische Revolution, eigentlich sollte ich bis heute noch eine "Conclusion" der jahre 1789 - 1799 verfassen, was ich dann aber doch nicht geschafft habe ^^ Die Revolution hatte ich vor knapp 4 Jahren in Deutschland, da liegt ne ganze menge dazwischen, deswegen muss ich mich erstmal wieder etwas reinlesen. Meinen 1,0 Schnitt werde ich ja wohl nicht umsonst in Deutschland gehabt haben. Problem ist das Englische eben, soviele Englische Begriffe von denen ich noch nie etwas gehört habe, deswegen hilft nur das Internet durchstöbern.
Arbeitsblatt
- Jakobiner:
Der Begriff bezeichnet diejenigen Anhänger der französischen Revolution außerhalb Frankreichs, die sich auch nach der Hinrichtung des Königs noch zu den Idealen von Freiheit, Gleichheit und Brüderlichkeit bekannten und republikanische Staatsformen anstrebten, auch wenn sie nicht Mitglied einer politischen Organisation waren.
The term designates those trailers of the French revolution outside of France, which admitted themselves also after the execution of the king still to the ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity and republican systems of government aimed at, even if they were not member of a political organization.
- girondists (Girondisten):
waren eine gruppe der französischen Revolution. waren demokraten
were a political faction in France within the Legislative Assembly and the National Convention during the French Revolution. The Girondists were a group of individuals holding certain opinions and principles in common rather than an organized political party, and the name was at first informally applied because the most brilliant exponents of their point of view were deputies from the Gironde.
- sebtember massacre (September Massakre)
The September Massacres were a wave of mob violence which overtook Paris in late summer 1792, during the French Revolution. By the time it had subsided, half the prison population of Paris had been executed: some 1200 trapped prisoners, including many women and young boys. Sporadic violence, in particular against the Roman Catholic Church, would continue throughout France for nearly a decade to come.
- sanscullotten
those Paris worker and small citizens designates, who contrary to the knee trousers carried by noble ones (so-called Culottes) instead long trousers carried, how they were suitable for the work. Sansculottes are therefore humans, who live on manual labor. Were usually small master craftsmen, associate, dealers and restaurant operators/barkeepers.
die Pariser Arbeiter und Kleinbürger bezeichnet, die im Gegensatz zu den von Adligen getragenen Kniehosen (sog. Culottes) stattdessen lange Hosen trugen, wie sie zur Arbeit geeignet waren. Sansculottes sind demnach Menschen, die von körperlicher Arbeit leben. Es waren meist kleine Handwerksmeister, Gesellen, Händler und Gastwirte.
- the reign of terror (terrorherrschaft)
war eine Periode der Französischen Revolution von Anfang Juni 1793 bis Ende Juli 1794, die durch die brutale Unterdrückung aller Personen gekennzeichnet war, die verdächtigt wurden, nicht mit der Revolution einverstanden zu sein. Die Terrorherrschaft wurde vom Wohlfahrtsausschuss, einem Komitee von zwölf Männern, einschließlich des Führers Maximilien de Robespierre, angeführt, der später selbst seiner eigenen Terrorkampagne zum Opfer fiel.
one period of the French was revolution of at the beginning of of June 1793 to at the end of of July 1794, which was characterized by the brutal suppression of all persons, who were suspected not to agree with the revolution. The reign of terror was stated by the Wohlfahrtsausschuss, a committee by twelve men, including the leader Maximilien de Robespierre, who even its own terror campaign fell later to the victim.
- robespierre
is one of the best-known leaders of the French Revolution, jakobiner
- georges danton
one was the leader of the lower people layers in the French revolution and director/conductor of the first Wohlfahrtsausschusses (to 10 July 1793)
war einer der Führer der unteren Volksschichten in der Französischen Revolution und Leiter des ersten Wohlfahrtsausschusses (bis 10. Juli 1793)
- marat
Er gilt als einer der radikalsten Führer (Jakobiner) der Französischen Revolution. Er wandte sich radikal gegen die Monarchie und war ein Befürworter politischer Gewalt.
It is considered to the French revolution as one of the most radical leaders (Jakobiner). It turned radically against the monarchy and was a proponent of political force.
- thermidorian reaction
The Thermidorian Reaction was a revolt in the French Revolution against the excesses of the Reign of Terror, caused by the execution of Robespierre and several other leading members of the Committee of Public Safety. This revolt led to the end of this radical phase of the French Revolution.
- directory
war die letzte Regierungsform der Französischen Revolution.
Deep's Themenerklärung II
Russische Revolution...viele Worte will ich ueber den Sinn oder Unsinn dessen nicht los werden ^^ Mein Gott ich habe keine Lust, muss doch hier am Almanach arbeiten...aber was sein muss muss sein ;)
Arbeitsblatt
- October Manifesto
The Manifesto addressed the unrest in Russia and pledged to grant civil liberties to the people: including personal immunity, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of association; a broad participation in the Duma; introduction of universal male suffrage; and a decree that no law should come into force without the consent of the state Duma.
- 7. Army order no.1
was established in Russia on 1917-03-14. It decreed that soldiers could become representatives and command units, except in actual combat when officers could take charge. It also stated that rank and file militia would obey the orders of the provisional government only if the Soviet also approved.
Deep's Themenerklärung
Muss einen englisch Vortrag ueber die Walesische-Englische Sprache halten...boah das ist nen mist -.-"
Arbeitsblatt
- Wales (Engl) - Language
The official languages in Wales are English and Welsh. English is spoken by almost all people in Wales and is the de facto main language (see Welsh English). However, Wales is officially bilingual, with 21.7% of the population able to speak Welsh and a larger proportion having some knowledge of the Welsh language according to a 2004 language survey. Today there are very few truly monoglot Welsh speakers, other than small children, but individuals still exist who may be considered less than fluent in English and rarely speak it. There were still many monoglots as recently as the middle of the twentieth century[9]. The Welsh Language Act 1993 and the Government of Wales Act 1998 provide that the Welsh and English languages should be treated on a basis of equality. Public bodies are required to prepare and implement a Welsh Language Scheme. Thus the Welsh Assembly, local councils, police forces, fire services and the health sector use Welsh as an official language, issuing official literature and publicity in Welsh versions (e.g. letters to parents from schools, library information, and council information). All road signs in Wales should be in English and Welsh, including both versions of place names where names or versions exist in both languages e.g. "Cardiff" and "Caerdydd".
During the 20th century a number of small communities of speakers of languages other than English or Welsh, such as Bengali or Cantonese, have established themselves in Wales as a result of immigration. This phenomenon is almost exclusive to urban Wales. The Italian Government funds the teaching of Italian to Welsh residents of Italian ancestry. These other languages however have no official status, although public services may produce information leaflets in minority ethnic languages where there is a specific need, as happens elsewhere in the United Kingdom.
- Wales (german) Sprache
Die walisische Sprache ist für viele Waliser eine wichtige Form der Abgrenzung gegenüber der englischen Verwaltung; vor allem im Westen des Landes wird die walisische Sprache wie Gemeindesprache noch gesprochen; in Caernarfon, Gwynedd gaben 86 % der Bevölkerung an, Walisisch fließend zu beherrschen, im Vergleich zu nur 8 % der Bevölkerung von Cas-gwent/Chepstow. Insgesamt gaben 21 % der Bevölkerung von Wales an, Walisisch fließend zu beherrschen, 5 % waren eigenen Angaben zufolge sogar monolingual walisisch. Weitere 7 % attestierten sich selbst eine teilweise Kenntnis dieser Sprache, während sie für 71,6 % der walisischen Bevölkerung unverständlich ist.
Seit 1993 sind die englische und walisische Sprache formal gleichgestellt. Die Politik der Zweisprachigkeit äußert sich in der Praxis vor allem in zweisprachigen Orts- und Hinweisschildern. Aber auch in der Bildung, bis hin zum Universitätsstudium, und im Justizwesen kann die walisische Sprache benutzt werden.
Sie wird in Wales von etwa 750.000 Menschen gesprochen. Damit ist sie diejenige keltische Sprache mit den meisten muttersprachlichen Sprechern.
- www.bl.uk/learning/langlit/sounds - Youtube
The survival of the Welsh tongue, an insular Celtic language, in a largely uncorrupted form, despite its immediate proximity to densely populated urban centres of England, provides an English scholar with an increasingly rare opportunity to study the effects of a Celtic mother tongue on present-day English. The Welsh tongue is in a unique position, being by far the oldest spoken language in the United Kingdom, and representative of the native language of Britain before Roman, Germanic, or Norman invasion, to demonstrate in its interactions with English the modifications and adaptations speakers of Britain’s original tongue make to phonology, grammar, and the English lexicon when confronted with the eclectic composition of our modern language (Davies 78).
The Welsh language, rooted in the Celtic, and thereby the Proto-Indo-European family of languages, developed in relative isolation after the demarcation of Welsh territory by the construction of Offa’s dyke in 778 to 796 C.E. (no substantial Roman invasion reached further than Sedbury in the west). The absence of widespread immigration and reliable infrastructure throughout Welsh history discouraged both the natural adoption and the legislated enforcement of the English tongue on most Welsh citizens until the mid-eighteenth century (Williams 21-32).
As the English language gradually spread throughout Wales, an inevitable occurrence that began after the Acts of Union in 1536 and 1542 recognized Wales as a principality of England and Welsh citizens as British subjects, bilingualism was largely restricted to cities, border towns and coastal villages in which business was conducted with English gentry and merchants. English was quickly regarded as the language of opportunity and upward mobility, gaining popularity in these areas as early as the mid-eighteenth century, as gentry were required to speak English at court and most secondary industrial enterprises in Wales were owned by English companies. As immigrants to Wales tended to prefer these areas for settlement, for commercial and linguistic reasons; as infrastructure throughout the Welsh hills and valleys remained unreliable; and as the Welsh economy was largely export- rather than import-based due to the increasing demand for wool prior to and coal throughout the industrial revolution, smaller Welsh-speaking rural communities were often depleted of Welsh speakers. These losses, however, for the same socio-economic reasons, were very rarely recouped with substantial numbers of Anglophone immigrants until the twentieth century (Williams 32-4). Though the population of rural, Welsh-speaking communities atrophied, the language in these areas did not.
It was only at the turn of the twentieth century, with the fourfold convergence of the institution of mass British media, mandatory English education, highway and rail systems linking southern Welsh cities to major English urban centers, and a profound influx of postwar immigration that the Welsh language began to decline significantly in favour of the more commercially viable English language. The linguistic and cultural impermeability of rural northern Wales, however, due to poor infrastructure continued well past the eighteenth century, to the point that in 2001, 76.21% of Gwynedd residents in the rural northwest reported some degree of bilingualism compared to the national average of 29.43% (ONS 7). The magnitude of the effects of this poorly-developed infrastructure in Welsh communities and the cultural distance resulting from such over the last five hundred years is difficult to overstate; the Nedd valley, the last Welsh community without electricity, was only provided with such in the month of this writing, despite being only about 36 miles from Cardiff, the Welsh capital (The Guardian, 2 Dec 2005).
The ascendancy of the English language in Wales has thus been, by all accounts, a recent development spanning only a few generations, and one not evenly divided throughout the principality. Historically, Welsh had been the language of the home and chapel, as compared to the commercial English, and the four primary forces of English-language assertion confronted the declining influence of the Welsh-speaking Nonconformist church and Sunday schools at the turn of the century, and a parental insistence that schoolchildren be taught the language of opportunity; it was common for concerned, bilingual parents to refuse to speak Welsh to their children (Thomas 101; Williams 36). ‘Home and chapel’ ceased to be bastions of linguistic preservation.
The Welsh language, however, though it has been on the decline in the last century, through its persistence and resistance to English throughout the last five hundred years, has fallen out of mainstream use in Wales recently enough that it remains the primary factor influencing the English language spoken there (McArthur 109). The remnants of this very recently untouched Celtic tongue manifest themselves in “Welsh English”, the dialect of English spoken in Wales that is identifiably influenced by the three factors of British media, Welsh-border dialects of English, and the Welsh tongue itself. It is this latter influence, studied specifically, and its effects on the dialect’s phonology, grammar, and lexicon that reflect the shaping of the English language by a Celtic tongue.
Phonology and Pronunciation
Several phonological characteristics of Celtic languages present in Welsh reveal themselves in the pronunciation of Welsh English. In recording the speech patterns of English speakers in Port Talbot, seven miles east of Swansea, Connolly codifies what may be taken to be the ‘average’ Welsh accent, if such a thing may be supposed to exist. The Port Talbot area’s bilingual and monolingual-English populations are nearly the statistical median of all of Wales, and it is geographically located away from the English border, though proximal to a major highway (M4); though somewhat more representative of a South Wales accent, the population density of Wales is strongly weighted towards the southeast, making the case study of Port Talbot (southwest) a reasonable geographic mean: somewhat more southeastern than northwestern, just as is the principality’s population. He identifies the following phonological system in Port Talbot English (PTE):
Consonants
Plosives: / p, b, t, d, k, g /
Affricates: / t∫, d3 /
Fricatives: / f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ∫, 3, h /
Approximants: / w, r, l, j /
Nasals: / m, n, ŋ /
Vowels
Checked monophthongs: / I, ε, a, ɒ, ʊ, ǝ /
Free monophthongs: / i:, e:, a:, ɒ:, o:, u:, ø: /
Diphthongs: / e I, ɒ I, λ I, I u, A u, ou /
(Connolly 122)
Not present in Connolly’s study of the area is the rhotic ‘r’ of the insular Celtic tongues, which asserts itself in the accents of English speakers in the densely Welsh-speaking and bilingual north of Wales, particularly in word-final placement. In metropolitan or heavily Anglicized areas such as Cardiff or Port Talbot, however, where infrastructural improvements have proved conducive to the promotion of other British accents, the ‘r’ is non-rhotic, though occasionally perceptibly lengthened (Collins and Mees 88). Similarly, the degree of English contact in the exemplar has generated the sibilant / z / and the /d3/ affricate not present in the Welsh language, which are realized in more northern Welsh English as voiceless phonemes, resulting in homophonous pairs such as seal and zeal, sink and zinc, joke and choke, rich and ridge (Coupland, Introduction 9-10). The voiceless realization of these sounds is evidence of Welsh influence supporting a distinctly Celtic adaptation of a sound not present in Britain’s original languages; in Scotland, speakers of Gaelic English – another insular Celtic tongue – perform the same substitution (MacArthur 110).
A quality of Port Talbot English that is derived from Welsh phonology and that is identifiable in several other case studies of Welsh English (as in Tench, Parry, and Coupland’s Standard) is the Celtic forwardness of phonological realizations, both in vowel sounds and the strong aspiration and dentalization of plosives, often manifested as weak affrication, especially in alveolar realizations of such (Connolly 123-4; Coupland, Introduction, 10). Despite a very strong English influence in Welsh urban and border areas, even in Cardiff – coastal, well-connected, proximal to the English border and fully engaged by British media – general tongue advancement and vowel fronting is the rule, rather than the exception (Collins and Mees 88).
There exists as well in PTE and Welsh English as a whole, a strong preference for monophthongal vowel sounds, as vowel sounds in the Welsh language are pure, though they may follow one another with some rapidity (Vanderveen 1.4). PTE exhibits no centring diphthongs whatsoever, as / ε: / is monophthongal and / a I / is very rarely exhibited (Connolly 122). This preference is closely related to another peculiarity of Welsh English phonology: the Celtic syllable break. As Welsh exhibits largely pure vowel sounds, with diphthongs clearly divided between two such sounds with no liaison existing even between semivowels and vowels, many Welsh English speakers create a syllable break between the vowel sounds provided them in the English language, pronouncing for example ‘beer’ ‘bee-uh’ (/ bi’- λ /), and ‘poor’ ‘poo-uh’(/ p ʊ’- λ /) (Thomas 107-8; McArthur 100). By virtue of the same linguistic dichotomy, most Welsh English speakers prefer a short, monophthongal vowel sound to a broad RP vowel, employing a short / ɑ / in ‘dance’ rather than the / ɑ: / of the RP accent, and a short ‘ʊ’ or schwa instead of the / λ / in words like ‘cut’ or ‘but’. In addition, it is not at all unusual for these preferences for fronting and monophthongal vowels to combine; an / i / sound in y-terminal words such as ‘lovely’ replaces the often-diphthongized RP / I /.
Perhaps the most famous of phonological qualities attributed to Welsh influence on the English spoken in Wales is the ‘singsong’ intonation of the language. As intonation in Welsh and other Celtic languages is commonly distributed by stress and emotion rather than rigidly defined word inflections, nuclear pitch movement in Welsh English is often applied to the entire word, rather than just the tonic syllable of the sound unit (Connolly 126). This aspect of the Welsh language also reveals itself in the Welsh English use of long vowels; the exception to the Welsh English preference for short vowels is almost universally localized in long vowels located in stressed syllables – if a long vowel exists in a stressed syllable, the ‘singsong’ Celtic influence will support its length (though the stress may continue almost indefinitely, based on the disposition of the speaker) (Thomas 121).
Grammar
The syntactical structure of the Welsh language reveals itself frequently in the grammatical constructs of speakers of Welsh English. The subject pronoun, required in English but commonly zeroed as unnecessary in the Welsh language, is similarly left out of common Welsh English, as in saw ’im goin’ and did it ‘isself. The Celtic syntactical tradition of foregrounding for emphasis is also commonly employed throughout Wales, as in money he’s not short of and hurt, are you? (McArthur 111). The Welsh language does not make a distinction between clefting and pseudo-clefting as English does, so the practice of fronting for emphasis can most easily be explained by a Welsh influence conventionally unconcerned with dividing semantic importance with syntactical placement (Thomas 137). This foregrounding may also lend itself to what is considered the grammatical shibboleth of Welsh English, the imperative clause look you or mind you, as in look you, the sheep are loose, which is also reflective of Welsh word order, in which verbs always precede their subjects (McArthur 111; Thomas 108).
Perhaps the most striking remnant of Celtic influence on Welsh English is the syntactical use of the verb bod, having been transposed into the English language. In the Welsh language,
“bod (be) is followed by a subject nominal, a predicator yn (semantically related to the English preposition in), and an uninflected verb-noun, as in:
Mae ef yn mynd i’r sinema bob wythnos
(he goes to the cinema every week)
(lit. ‘is he in go to the cinema every week)”
(Coupland 6)
The insertion of the be verb in Welsh English, analogous to the bod formation in Welsh, represents a repetitive or habitual action. Thomas illustrates this phenomenon with a variation on Coupland’s example: He do go to the cinema every week; McArthur offers he did go regular like and he do go to the rugby all the time (Thomas 135; McArthur 111). This be confusion is also present in the general Celtic use of will, followed by zero, as an English modal auxiliary, as in is he ready yet? – No, but he will in a minute (Thomas 139). Just as Welsh and other Celtic languages do not require the be verb to supplement the existing one, so does Welsh English omit the extraneous word.
Finally, the expletive there as in there’s tall you are! or there’s strange it was! can be correlated directly to the Welsh dyna, an adverb equivalent to the English there, as in dyna dal wyt ti (lit. ‘There’s tall are you’) and dyna od oedd ef (lit. ‘There’s strange was it’). Here the Welsh-equivalent there simply replaces the expletive how in a straightforward case of preserved grammatical structure.
Lexicon
The polar effect of the Welsh language having enjoyed relative isolation from English influence until the mid-eighteenth century is the English language having enjoyed similar isolation from the Welsh tongue. The environmental code-switching between home and business, chapel and government, as well as the geographical divisions between Welsh communities and bilingual ones throughout much of Welsh history have so restricted Welsh influence on English that only very few words of Welsh origin survive in the English language, and even these are largely descriptive nouns and turns of phrase without parallel in English. Pengwin, the most famous Welsh adoption into English, is very nearly the only exception to the rule of the isolation of Welsh terminology. Even the most vehemently patriotic of Welsh publications in English – dictionaries of Welsh terms and phrases published to generate a sense of national identity – provide only English words taken into a dialectical register or Welsh words applied to structures and items never seen outside Wales (and, likely, infrequently even therein).
Terms of endearment like bach and del remain popular in Welsh English, used sufficiently into the English register to be considered adoptions, and nouns without direct English corollaries such as hiraeth (a profound, consuming longing for a place or person), hwyl (a sense of enthusiasm and rambunctiousness) and clennig (a gift of money) also persist in the English register. The vast majority of words promoted by scholars as being drawn from Welsh, however, simply are Welsh words used to describe peculiarly Welsh customs or entities with no exterior currency, such as eistedfodd (a cultural festival unique to Wales), cymanfa (a chapel singing festival unique to Wales), and penillion (a form of choral singing peculiar to Wales), that cannot be properly thought to be nativized terms to a monolingual Welsh speaker of English (Thomas 142; McArthur 112). While the cognitive elements of the Welsh language certainly influence a Welsh speaker’s ability to use and shape English, the concrete elements – words – have largely remained the province of each disparate language by extensive code-switching and pervasive bilingualism; in speaking the prestigious English language in the context of attempted advancement and the pursuit of political and economic prosperity, borrowing from the rural, lower-class tongue may easily have been construed as counterproductive in the extreme. Concurrently, with Wales’ significantly bilingual population, the adoption of Welsh words was largely unnecessary; if the correct word did not exist in English, a Welshman simply spoke Welsh.
The future of Welsh English is a matter of considerable debate amongst linguists; Thomas and McArthur believe Welsh English will persist as an accent, but not a dialect, as the ancient tongue continues to fall out of use. Coupland and Connolly venture no predictions in any of their articles, and confine their socio-political commentary to the past and present exclusively. Jenkins and Williams predict that a concentrated effort to preserve the Welsh language may continue to provide a Celtic influence upon the English language. In any event, as the four primary forces of English dissemination throughout Wales continues and even accelerates, and the traditional cultural strongholds of the Welsh language grow in irrelevancy, the only hope of preserving a true dialect informed by a genuinely Celtic influence – actual speakers of maternal Welsh, seems to lie in a concentrated effort for preservation. Considering, however, that even the most optimistic proponents of linguistic preservation provide Welsh-language education of English-speaking students as the most appealing option, it seems very likely that after thousands of years of perpetuation, this will be the last generation in which one will be able to study the English of a natural speaker of an ancient Celtic tongue.
WELSH ENGLISH The English language as used in Wales. The term is recent and controversial. English is, however, the majority language of Wales and, as in other parts of the English-speaking world, a concise term such as Welsh English (analogous to, among many others, Canadian English and South African English) appears unavoidable, however politically contentious. It is increasingly applied by sociolinguists to a continuum of usage that includes three groups of overlapping varieties of English: those influenced by the WELSH language; those influenced by dialects in adjacent counties of England; and those influenced by the standard language as taught in the schools and used in the media. The influence of Welsh is strongest in the northern counties (sometimes referred to as Welsh Wales), where Welsh/English bilingualism is most commonly found; it is weaker in mid-Wales, and weakest in the south, but even in such southern cities as Cardiff and Swansea the influence of Welsh is present.Origins It is not certain when speakers of an English dialect arrived in Wales, but it seems probable that Mercian settlers were in the Wye valley by the 8c. In the winter of 1108–9, Henry I established a group of Flemish settlers in Pembrokeshire and it is likely that there were English-speakers among that group. Other English settlements grew up in the 12–13c. Since most trade was in the hands of the English, the earliest regular Welsh users of English were almost certainly traders.Pronunciation Accent varies according to region, ethnicity, and education. RP is spoken mainly by English expatriates and its influence is strongest in the south-east. The following generalizations refer to native Welsh people: (1) Speakers of Welsh are often described as having a lilting or singsong intonation in their English, an effect created by three tendencies: a rise—fall tone at the end of statements (where RP has a fall); long vowels only in stressed syllables, the vowels in the second syllables of such words as ˈincrease and ˈexpert being short; reduced vowels avoided in polysyllabic words, speakers preferring, for example, /tɪkɛt/ for ticket and /kɔnɛkʃɔn/ for connection. (2) Welsh English is usually non-rhotic, but people who regularly speak Welsh are likely to have a postvocalic r (in such words as worker). (3) The accents of South Wales are generally aitchless. In North Wales, word-initial /h/ is not usually dropped, partly because it occurs in Welsh. (4) There is a tendency towards the monophthongs /e/ and /o/ and away from the diphthongs /eɪ/ and /əshtu;/ in such words as late and hope. (5) The vowel /a/ is often used for both gas and glass. (6) Schwa is often preferred to /ʌ/ in such words as but and cut. (7) Diphthongs are often turned into two syllables with /biə/ for beer becoming /bijə/ and /puə/ for poor becoming /puwə/. (8) There is a preference for /u/ over /ju/ in such words as actually /aktuali/ and speculate /spɛkulet/. (9) The inventory of consonants is augmented from Welsh by the voiceless alveolar lateral fricative ɬ (spelt ll as in Llangollen), the voiceless alveolar roll /r̥/ (spelt rh as in Rhyl), and the voiceless velar fricative /x/ (spelt ch as in Pentyrch). (10) In many parts of the south, /l/ tends to be light and clear in such words as light and fall; in the north, it tends to be dark in both. (11) The voiced plosives /b, d, g/ are often aspirated in initial position, as with /bhad/ for bad, often heard by non-Welsh people as ‘pad’. The voiceless plosives /p, t, k/ are often aspirated in all positions, as with /phɪph/ for pip. Consonants between vowels are often lengthened, as in /mɪsːɪn/ for missing, and /apːiː/ for happy. (12) The -ing participle is often realized as /ɪn/, as in /dansɪn/ for dancing. (13) There is a tendency, especially in the north, to substitute /s/ and /ʃ/ for /z/ and /ʒ/, so that is becomes ‘iss’ and division ‘divishon’. (14) The -y ending in words such as happy and lovely is realized by /ɪː/: ‘appee’, ‘lovelee’.Grammar (1) Working-class users of English in Wales tend to use the following constructions, also found elsewhere in the UK: multiple negation (I ‘aven't done nothin’ to nobody, see?); them as a demonstrative adjective (them things); as as a relative pronoun (the one as played for Cardiff); non-standard verb forms (She catched it, The coat was all tore); 'isself for himself and theirselves for themselves ('E done it 'isself and they saw it for theirselves); the adverbial use of an adjective (We did it willin': that is, willingly); the addition of -like at the end of phrases and sentences ('E looked real 'appy-like); and the use of the -s verb ending with all subjects in the present (I goes to school an' they goes to work). (2) Non-standard forms reflecting an influence from Welsh include: do/did + verb, to indicate a regularly performed action (He do go to the rugby all the time; He did go regular-like); foregrounding for emphasis (Goin' down the mine 'e is He is going down the mine; Money they're not short of They aren't short of money); there and not how in exclamations (There's lovely you are!); untransformed embedded sentences, especially after verbs of saying and thinking (I'm not sure is 'e in I'm not sure if he's in); the over-generalization of the question tag isn't it? (We're goin' out now, isn't it?); occasional yes replacing a positive question tag (You're a teacher, yes?); will and not will be (I'm not quite ready, but I will soon); and too for either (I don't like it.—I don't like it too). (3) Look you (you see) is often regarded as a shibboleth of Welsh English in such sentences as Tried hard, look you, but earned nothin'. See is also often used: We were worried about 'im, see. The non-use of the subject pronoun is also characteristic of Welsh-influenced English: Saw 'im, bach. Saw 'im yesterday.Vocabulary (1) Words drawn from Welsh generally relate to culture and behaviour: carreg a stone, clennig a gift of money, eisteddfod (plural eisteddfodau) a cultural festival, glaster a drink of milk and water, iechyd da (‘yachy da’) good health (a salutation or toast, from iechyd health, da good); the use of bach and del as terms of affection: Like a drink, bach? Come near the fire, del. (2) Words that are shared by Welsh English and dialects of England include: askel a newt, dap to bounce, lumper a young person, pilm dust, sally willow, steam a bread-bin. (3) General English words with local extensions of meaning include: delight a keen interest, as in She's gettin' a delight in boys; lose to miss, as in 'Urry or we'll lose the train; tidy good, attractive, as in Tidy 'ouse you've got, bach. (4) The form boyo, from boy, is common as both a term of address and reference, and is sometimes negative: Listen, boyo, I've somethin' to tell you; That boyo is not to be trusted.Social issues Experiments reported in 1975 suggest that speakers of Welsh English are positively viewed in the principality. There is, however, considerable tension with regard to the use of the Welsh language, especially in schools and the media, and this can affect attitudes to English. Many consider that education should be bilingual, so that all Welsh people have access to Welsh as their ‘national’ language; others, however, including some parents originally from England, feel that bilingualism in schools puts an unnecessary strain on children, and do not necessarily regard Welsh as part of their patrimony. See BRITISH ENGLISH.WELSH PLACE-NAMESThe place-names of Wales represent mixed linguistic origins over some 2,000 years: Welsh, Norse, Norman French, and English, together with the Anglicization of Welsh names and hybrids of Welsh and English.1. Welsh The majority of place-names in Wales are from the Celtic language Welsh at various points in its history. Ten words commonly occurring in place-names are: (1) aber (‘river mouth’), as in Abergavenny (‘mouth of the Gefenni’) and Aberystwyth (‘mouth of the winding river’, the Ystwyth); (2) caer (‘fort’), as in Caernarvon (‘fort in Arfon’) and Caerphilly (‘Ffili's fort’); (3) cwm (‘valley’), as in Cwmbran (‘valley of the river Bran’) and Cwmfelin (‘valley of the mill’); (4) din (‘fort’), as in Dinas Powys (‘fort of Powys’) and Dinefwr (‘fort of the yew’); (5) llan (‘church’), as in Llandaff (‘church on the river Taff’) and Llanfair (‘Mary's church’); (6) llyn (‘lake’), as in Llyn Vawr (‘big lake’) and Llyn Glas (‘green lake’); (7) nant (‘stream’), as in Nantgaredig (‘gentle stream’) and Nantyglo (‘stream of the coal’); (8) pen (‘head, end’), as in Penarth (‘head of the promontory’) and Penrhyndeudraeth (‘headland of the two beaches’); (9) rhos (‘moor’), as in Rhosgoch (‘red moor’) and Rhosllanerchrugog (‘moor of the heather glade’); (10) tref (‘farm, homestead, town’), as in Tregarth (‘ride farm’) and Tremadoc (‘Madoc's farm’). The forms pont (‘bridge’) as in Pontnewydd (‘new port’) and porth (‘port’), as in Porthcawl (‘harbour of the sea kale’), entered Welsh from French and come originally from Latin.2. Norse Scandinavian raids in the 9–10c account for a number of largely Anglicized names around the coast, such as Fishguard (‘fish yard’), Milford Haven (‘harbour of the sandy inlet’), and Swansea (‘Sveinn's sea’), as well as names ending in -(e)y (‘island’), as in Anglesey (‘Ongull's island’), Bardsey (‘Bardr's island’), and Caldy (‘cold island’).3. Norman French The Normans invaded Wales in the 11c and have left such names as Beaumaris (‘beautiful marsh’), Grosmont (‘big hill’), Malpas (‘bad passage’), and Montgomery (the castle of Roger of Montgomery).4. English The long-term interest of the English in Wales, the porous border between the two lands, and the English conquest in the 13c led to three types of place-name: (1) Old English names, as with Chepstow (‘market place’), Holyhead (‘holy headland’, on Anglesey), Knighton (‘knight's settlement’), and Wrexham (Wryhtel's pasture'); (2) Modern English names, such as Newport and Welshpool; (3) Anglicized Welsh names, such as Cardiff (adapting Caerdydd), Carmarthen (adapting Caerfyrrdin), Denbigh (adapting Dinbych), and Lampeter (adapting Llanbedr, ‘Peter's church’). Because English has been spoken in the Gower Peninsula and south Pembrokeshire since the 12c, the area is known as ‘Little England in Wales’; English names in the area include Cheriton (‘church settlement’), Middleton (‘middle settlement’), and Newton (‘new settlement’). Double namesMany places, especially towns, which are known throughout the United Kingdom by their non-Welsh names, have unrelated and much less widely known Welsh names, such as Abergaun (‘mouth of the river’) for Fishguard, Abertawe (‘mouth of the river Tawe’) for Swansea, Caergybi (‘Cybi's fort’) for Holyhead, Trefaldwyn (‘Baldwin's homestead’) for Montgomery, and Yr Wyddfa (‘the cairn place’) for Snowdon (from Old English: ‘snow-covered hill’), the highest mountain in Wales.
1) Where is my room?
2) Where is the beach?
3) Where is the bar?
4) Don't touch me there!
1) Where to's my room?
2) Where to's the beach?
3) Where to's the bar?
4) Dawn't touch me there!
Views regarding the status of spoken English in Wales vary among the scholars and the Welsh people themselves. Twenty per cent of the Welsh speak the Welsh language, but a hundred per cent of them speak English, and the kind of English they speak is phonologically and syntactically distinct from other British dialects. Is this enough to distinguish a dialect or dialect group characteristic of Wales, a 'Welsh English', or do we settle for the perhaps more politically correct 'English in Wales'? The profile of the Welsh dialects of English is low, and the term Welsh English seems to call for national recognition, which it does not have at the moment. The debate is reflected e.g. in the title of the book English in Wales (Coupland 1990), dealing with Welsh dialects of English, and Penhallurick's (1993) arguments in favour of the term Welsh English. Most linguists do use the latter term, but for the majority of Welsh people, the jury is still out.
The question can be approached from a historical or national angle, but it can also be discussed from a linguistic point of view. Linguists tend to create their own definitions of what constitutes Welsh English and what is merely English in Wales. Substratum influence from Welsh is an important element in the dialect, which means that the definitions often relate to the individual speakers' Welsh skills or to the prevalence of Welsh in different parts of the land (see e.g. Visser 1955, Awbery 1997 and Penhallurick 1993).
This paper adds a fresh dimension to the debate. Examining recent data from North and South Wales reveals that there are definite differences in the English spoken in Welsh communities, and bilingualism and geography both affect the situation, but the outcome is somewhat different from what is traditionally expected. I will discuss the past and present of the two main dialect areas of Welsh English, focussing on the syntax, as well as the role of English as a community language in the bilingual areas of the north and south. Perhaps the identity of Welsh English depends on both these factors?
Welsh English is characterized by a sing-song quality and lightly rolled r's. It has been strongly influenced by the Welsh language, although it is increasingly influenced today by standard English, due to the large number of English people vacationing and retiring there.
Vortrag
Welsh English, Anglos-Welsh, or Wenglish
